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verfasst von Manifold(R) Homepage, 06.12.2011, 18:45

1.) Martin Fiebert: References examining assaults by women on their spouses or male partners: An
annotated bibliogroaphy 2011.
SUMMARY: This bibliography examines 282 scholarly investigations: 218 empirical
studies and 64 reviews and/or analyses, which demonstrate that women are as
physically aggressive, or more aggressive, than men in their relationships with their
spouses or male partners. The aggregate sample size in the reviewed studies exceeds
369,800.
2.) Christos Tsopelasa, Tsetsou Spyridoulaa, Douzenis Athanasios: Review on female sexual
offenders: Findings about profile and personality, in: International Journal of Law and Psychiatry
Volume 34, Issue 2, 2011, 122-126.
A unanimous view of what is female sexual abuse is difficult to reach. Often it is under
reported, unrecognized or considered ethically more acceptable than male abuse. It is
also connected with an increased self-report of history of sexual abuse of the
perpetrators. A typology of female sexual abusers should be developed. Treatments
focusing on different psychological interventions along with prevention and public
awareness can be a powerful tool in reduction of sexual abuse perpetrated by females.
3.) A. A. Randle & C. A. Graham: A review of the evidence on the effects of intimate partner
violence on men, in: Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 12, (2) 2011, 96-111.
This review examines the empirical evidence on the effects of intimate partner violence
(IPV) in men. The main theoretical frameworks used in this area are outlined, and
methodological issues are discussed. Studies examining posttraumatic stress (PTS)
symptoms, depression, and suicidal ideation in men who have experienced IPV are
reviewed.
4.) S. Moxon: Beyond staged retreat behind virtual ‘gender paradigm’ barricades: the rise and fall
of the misrepresentation of partner-violence, and its eclipse by an understanding of mate-guarding,
in: Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, 3 2011, 45-56.
The notion of partner-violence as a male-perpetrated phenomenon is not a scientific
position but an amelioration of cognitive-dissonance within a political mindset. Against
all the data, this ‘gender paradigm’ persists as a series of staged retreats as new research
debunks each in turn. Supposed highly sex-differential injury rates, male unilaterality of
perpetration, female self-defence, male ‘control’, and female especial fear are all
discredited as reasons to focus solely on men’s aggression.
5.) Miriam Wijkman, Catrien Bijleveld & Jan Hendriks: Female sex offenders: Specialists,
generalists and once-only offenders, in: Journal of Sexual Aggression, Volume 17, Issue 1 2011, 34-
45.
This study examines the criminal careers of all female sex offenders prosecuted by the
criminal justice authorities in the Netherlands in the period 1994–2005. A latent class
analysis shows that three subgroups of women can be distinguished: once-only
offenders (who commit just one sex offence and no other offence), generalists (who
combine sex offending with relatively many serious other, often violent, offences) and
specialists (who commit relatively many sex offences next to some minor offences).
6.) Tanyaradzwa M. Kajese, Linh T. Nguyen, Giao Q. Pham, Van K. Pham, Katherine Melhorn, K.
James Kallail: Characteristics of child abuse homicides in the state of Kansas from 1994 to 2007,
in: Child Abuse & Neglect, Volume 35, Issue 2 2011, 147-154.
The largest percentage of victims was of single mothers (40.6%), with no prior history
of child abuse (60%).
7.) Einat Peled: Abused women who abuse their children: A critical review of the literature, in:
Aggression and Violent Behavior, Volume 16, Issue 4 2011, 325-330.
This article critically reviews current knowledge on abused women who abuse their
children.
8.) R. Carmo, A. Grams, T. Magalhaes: Men as victims of intimate partner violence, in: Journal of
forensic and legal medicine, 18(8) 2011, 355-359.
The reported cases of intimate partner violence against men represent 11.5% of the total
of these cases observed in the medico-legal services of Porto. This number may be
bigger because men tend to underreport and hide this kind of victimization, and also
because injuries usually are mild (women perpetrate psychological abuse and minor acts
of physical violence).
9.) Theresa Porter: Hit like a Girl: Women Who Batter Their Partners, 2011.
Domestic violence by women represents a blind spot for western society. Since 1977,
multiple large scale international studies have demonstrated the women can and do beat,
batter and murder their male and female intimate partners at a rate equal to or higher
than that of man, yet this issue is not simply ignored but denied by society at large.
10.) Catherine P. Cross & Anne Campbell: Women’s aggression, in: Aggression and Violent
Behavior, Volume 16, Issue 5 2011, 390-398.
Women’s aggression is higher towards intimate partners than towards other targets.
11.) D. A. Hines & E. M. Douglas: Intimate terrorism by women towards men: does it exist?, in:
Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, 2, (3) 2010, 36-56.
This study investigates Johnson’s theory as it applies to a sample of 302 men who
sustained IPV from their female partners and sought help, and a comparison sample of
community men. Results showed that the male helpseekers sample was comprised of
victims of IT and that violence by the male victims was part of a pattern of what
Johnson labels violent resistance.
12.) R. L. Davis: Domestic Violence-related deaths, in: Journal of Aggression, Conflict, and Peace
Research, 2 (2) 2010, 44-52.
When domestic violence-related suicides are combined with domestic violence
homicides, the total numbers of domestic violence-related deaths are higher for males
than females.
13.) J. Langhinrichsen-Rohling: Controversies involving gender and intimate partner violence in
the United States, in: Sex Roles, 62 2010, 179-193.
Reviewed evidence support three central theses that: 1) there are subtypes of IPV; 2)
women are as involved as men with some but not all subtypes of IPV, and 3) recognition
of these gender-related challenges will improve policy, treatment, and working models
of IPV.
14.) Theresa Porter: Woman as Molester; Implications for Society 2009.
Female sex offenders of children represent a blind spot of western society. Research
over the last 20 years has noted that women can and do sexually abuse children at
alarmingly high rates, yet the issue is largely ignored by the media and society at large.
This paper will examine the prevalence of sex offending by women against children and
then explore the culturally important myths involved in perpetuating the idea that
women are sexually safe around children.
15.) Donald G. Dutton, Kenneth N. Corvo, John Hamel: The gender paradigm in domestic violence
research and practice part II: The information website of the American Bar Association, in:
Aggression and Violent Behavior 14 (2009) 30–38.
Without restating the entire argument, the notion that domestic violence is solely
motivated by male domination of women has been rejected on several grounds,
including huge and representative data sets showing female IPV to be more
commonplace than male perpetrated IPV (Archer, 2000; Stets & Straus, 1989;
Whittaker et al., 2007), to generate only moderately more injuries (Whittaker et al.,
2007), and to be generated by the same motives (Fiebert, 2004; Follingstad, Wright,
Lloyd, & Sebastian, 1991).
16.) Peter Tracey: Exploring Taboos: Comparing Male and Female Perpetrated Child Sexual
Abuse, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 7 2009, 1111 – 1128.
The author concludes that more research into female-perpetrated child sexual abuse is
necessary to better understand these differences. Results should be interpreted
cautiously, as analyses were based on only 37 investigations involving female
perpetrators.
17.) J. Allen-Collinson: A marked man: Female perpetrated intimate partner abuse, in:
International Journal of Men’s Health, 8, (1) 2009, 22-40.
This paper seeks to add to a small, but developing qualitative literature on male victims’
accounts of intimate abuse and violence. Drawing on case study data, the article charts
some of the salient themes emerging from a series of in-depth interviews and the
personal diary of an abused heterosexual male victim.
18.) Rebecca Deering and David Mellor: Sentencing of male and female child sex offenders:
Australian study, Psychiatry, psychology and law, 394-412, Australian Academic Press Pty. Ltd.,
Melbourne, Vic 2009.
Research suggests that, in line with the chivalry hypothesis of female offending, a range
of mitigatory factors such as mental health problems, substance abuse, and personal
experiences of abuse are brought into play when women who offend against children
are brought to trial. This is reflected in sentencing comments made by judges and in the
sanctions imposed on the offenders, and as a result female offenders are treated
differently to male offenders. The current study investigated this in an Australian
context. Seven cases of female-perpetrated child sexual abuse were identified over a 6-
year period through the Austlii database. Seven cases of male-perpetrated child sex
abuse matched as far as possible to these were identified. Court transcripts were then
located, and sentencing comments and sanctions imposed were analysed. All offenders
were sentenced to imprisonment, but in general the women were more likely than the
men to receive less jail time and lower non-parole periods because their personal
backgrounds or situation at the time of the offending (i.e., difficulties with intimate
relationship, male dependence issues, depression, loneliness and anger) were perceived
as worthy of sympathy, and they were considered as likely to be rehabilitated. Further
investigations are needed to support these findings.
19.) E. M. Saewyc, D. Brown, M. Plane, M. P. Mundt, L. Zakletskaia, J. Wiegel & M. F. Fleming:
Gender Differences in violence exposure among university students attending campus health clinics
in the United States and Canada, in: Journal of Adolescent Health, 45(6) 2009, 587-94.
Similar rates of men (17%) and women (16%) reported any violence in the past 6
months; women were more likely to report emotional and men to report physical
violence. Of those reporting emotional violence, 45.5% women and 50% men indicated
it was IPV, and 23.7% women and 20.9% men reported physical IPV.
20.) Helen Gavin: “Mummy wouldn’t do that” the perception and construction of the female child
sex abuser, in: Evil, Women and the Feminine, 1-3 May 2009, Budapest, Hungary. (Unpublished)
The recognition of female perpetrators of child sex abuse is impeded by the perception
of women as incapable of such acts. Why is such perception persistent in the face of
information to the contrary? This research uses a social constructivist approach to
examining perceptions of female sexual abusers, to try to determine the answer to why
we think mummy wouldn’t do that
21.) M. A. Straus: Current controversies and prevalence concerning female offenders of intimate
partner violence. Why the overwhelming evidence of partner physical violence by women has not
been perceived and is often denied, in: Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, 18 2009, 1-
19.
The author suggests explanations for the fact that, despite a large body of high-quality
evidence, gender symmetry in the perpetration of nonsexual physical abuse against a
partner in a marital, cohabiting or dating relationship has not been perceived by the
public or service providers.
22.) M. A. Strauss & M. J. Paschall: Corporal punishment by mothers and development of
children’s cognitive ability: a longitudinal study of two nationally representative age cohorts, in:
Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, 18 2009, 459-483.
Overall 93% of the mothers of children aged 2-4 and 58% of mothers of children aged
5-9 used CP in the two week referent periods; rates consistent with other studies.
23.) G. Amendt: I didn’t divorce my kids!: How fathers deal with family break-ups. Campus Verlag
Publishers 2008. (In Chapter 5 author presents data from an internet survey of 3600 divorced
German fathers. Results reveal that 1/3 of men reported episodes of physical violence during the
divorce process and 2/3 of these were initiated by ex-partners.)
24.) S. Strickland: Female Sex Offenders: Exploring Issues of Personality, Trauma, and Cognitive
Distortions, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 23 2008, 474-489.
A sample of 130 incarcerated females, 60 sex offenders, and 70 nonsexual offenders is
used. Significant results are found in the areas of total childhood trauma and severity of
sexual abuse suffered and social and sexual adequacy. No differences are found in abuse
of substances, personality disorders, emotional neediness, or cognitive distortions.
25.) Theresa A. Gannon, Mariamne R. Rose: Female child sexual offenders: Towards integrating
theory and practice, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior Volume 13, Issue 6, November-December
2008, Pages 442-461.
Female-perpetrated child sexual abuse is beginning to be recognized as a significant
problem in Western society. Despite this, however, relatively few researchers and
professionals have conducted research of direct relevance for treating previous
termfemalenext term child previous termsexualnext term offenders (FCSOs).
26.) Sergio Herzog & Shaul Oreg: Chivalry and the Moderatin Effect of Ambivalent Sexism:
Individual Differences in Crime Seriousness Judgments, in: Law & Society Review, Volume 42,
Issue 1 2008, 45-74.
Eight hundred forty respondents from a national sample of Israeli residents evaluated
the seriousness of hypothetical crime scenarios with (traditional and nontraditional)
female and male offenders. As hypothesized, hostile and benevolent sexism moderate
the effect of women’s “traditionality” on respondents’ crime seriousness judgments and
on the severity of sentences assigned.
27.) Peter Tracey: Speaking About the Unspeakable. Exploring the Impact of Mother-Daughter
Sexual Abuse, in: Violence Against Women, Volume 16, Nr. 9 2008, 1033-1053.
By embarking on multiple interviews with eight survivors (a total of 29 interviews), this
article examines the impact of maternal sexual abuse on daughters.
28.) Jenny Yourstone, Torun Lindholm Marianne Kristiansson: Women who kill: A comparison of
the psychosocial background of female and male perpetrators, in: International Journal of Law and
Psychiatry, Volume 31, Issue 4 2008, 374-383.
Results showed that both female and male perpetrators were psychosocially
encumbered already at an early age. Homicidal women had more severe childhood
circumstances, but less aggressive childhood behaviour than did their male counterparts.
At the time of the crime, women had a more ordered social situation, had more often
been exposed to violence and searched for help than had the men. These gender
differences suggest that specific actions are needed for preventing women’s homicidal
behaviour.
29.) Kim Turner, Holly A. Miller, Craig E. Henderson: Latent Profile Analyses of Offense and
Personality Characteristics in a Sample of Incarcerated Female Sexual Offenders, in: Criminal
Justice and Behavior, 35 2008, 879-894.
This study examines characteristics of 90 female sexual offenders based on offense and
personality traits.
30.) SC Swan, LJ Gambone, JE Caldwell, TP Sullivan, DL Snow: A review of research on women’s
use of violence with male intimate partners, in: Violence and victims, 23(3) 2008, 301-14.
The major points of this review are as follows: (a) women’s violence usually occurs in
the context of violence against them by their male partners; (b) in general, women and
men perpetrate equivalent levels of physical and psychological aggression, but evidence
suggests that men perpetrate sexual abuse, coercive control, and stalking more
frequently than women and that women also are much more frequently injured during
domestic violence incidents; (c) women and men are equally likely to initiate physical
violence in relationships involving less serious „situational couple violence,“ and in
relationships in which serious and very violent „intimate terrorism“ occurs, men are
much more likely to be perpetrators and women victims; (d) women’s physical violence
is more likely than men’s violence to be motivated by self-defense and fear, whereas
men’s physical violence is more likely than women’s to be driven by control motives;
(e) studies of couples in mutually violent relationships find more negative effects for
women than for men; and (f) because of the many differences in behaviors and
motivations between women’s and men’s violence, interventions based on male models
of partner violence are likely not effective for many women.
31.) A.V. Lysova & E.M. Douglas: Intimate Partner Violence Among Male and Female Russian
University Students, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence 23 (2008), 1279-1599.
Consistent with previous research, male and female students were about equally likely
to be victims and perpetrators of all violent and aggressive actions.
32.) D. M. Capaldi, H. K. Kim & J. W. Shortt: Observed initiation and reciprocity of physical
aggression in young at-risk couples, in: Journal of Family Violence, 22 (2) 2007, 101-111.
The present study examined sex differences in initiation of physical aggression as
observed during discussion tasks and in the likelihood of a similar response from the
partner. In addition, patterns for men and women in the prevalence of aggression
initiation and partner reciprocation across 4 time points spanning approximately 9 years
from late adolescence through the mid-20s are examined, as well as overall associations
with reported aggression and injuries. Findings indicated that the young women were
more likely than the men to initiate physical aggression at late adolescence, but by the
mid-20s in early adulthood there were no significant sex differences in initiation rates.
33.) M. Carney, F. Buttell & D. Dutton: Women who perpetrate intimate partner violence: A review
of the literature with recommendations for treatment, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 12 2007,
108-115.
The purpose of this article is to review the literature on women as perpetrators of
violence in their intimate relationships (i.e., domestically violent women) and
summarize the scant literature on intervention programs for these women.
34.) L. Bunting: Dealing with a problem that doesn’t exist? Professional responses to female
perpetrate, in: Child Abuse Review, 4 2007, 252-267.
Findings indicate female involvement in sexual offenses against children is more
common than generally thought, and has serious implications for the long-term
emotional and psychological well-being of victims.
35.) Daniel J. Whitaker, Tadesse Haileyesus, Monica Swahn and Linda S. Saltzman: Differences in
Frequency of Violence and Reported Injury Between Relationships With Reciprocal and
Nonreciprocal Intimate Partner Violence, in: American Journal of Public Health, Vol 97, No. 5
2007, 941-947.
Almost 24% of all relationships had some violence,and half (49.7%) of those were
reciprocally violent. In nonreciprocallyviolent relationships, women were the
perpetrators in more than70% of the cases. Reciprocity was associated with more
frequentviolence among women (adjusted odds ratio [AOR]=2.3; 95%
confidenceinterval [CI]=1.9, 2.8), but not men (AOR=1.26; 95% CI=0.9,1.7).
36.) J. Archer: Cross cultural differences in physical aggression between partners: A social-role
analysis, in: Personality & Social Psychology Review, 10 2006, 133-153.
In developed western nations, both sexes commit acts of physical aggression against
their partners. Data from 16 nations showed that this pattern did not generalize to all
nations. The magnitude and direction of the sex difference was highly correlated with
national-level variations in gender empowerment and individualism-collectivism. As
gender equality and individualism increased, the sex difference in partner violence
moved in the direction of lesserfemale victimization and greater male victimization.
37.) D. G. Dutton, D. G.: Rethinking Domestic Violence. Vancouver: UBC Press 2006.
His findings also contradict earlier views among researchers and policy makers that IPV
[intimate partner violence, terminatus] is essentially perpetrated by males in all
societies.
38.) R. B. Felson: Is violence against women about women or about violence?, in: Contexts, 5 2006,
21-25.
Homicide research does show that women are more likely to kill in self-defense than
men, but police investigators attribute only 10 percent of homicides committed by wives
to self-defense; women kill their husbands for a variety of reasons. In addition, the
women who kill their husbands are not usually sweet and innocent…. A gender
perspective implies that men use violence against their wives to maintain their
dominance. However, the accompanying table suggests that husbands are no more
controlling than wives, and are perhaps less so.
39.) R. Luthra & C. A. Gidycz: Dating violence among college men and women, in: Journal of
Interpersonal Violence, 21 2006, 717-731.
A sample of 200 college students completes assessments concerning the occurrence of
violence in their dating relationships. The incidence of self-reported partner violence is
25% for women and 10% for men.
40.) M. Tardif, N. Auclair, M. Jacob & J .Carpentier: Sexual abuse perpetrated by adult and
juvenile females: An ultimate attempt to resolve a conflict associated with maternal identity, in:
Child Abuse & Neglect, 29 2005, 153-167.
Since 1992, clinical and evaluative data were collected from a sample of 13 AF and 15
JF who had committed sexual abuse. The subjects were evaluated in the program for
adult and adolescent sex offenders at the outpatient clinic of the Centre de Psychiatrie
Légale de Montréal (affiliated with the Institut Philippe Pinel de Montréal). The data
were collected by a multidisciplinary team of clinicians: psychiatrists, psychologists,
criminologists and sexologists. A team of two or three clinicians who utilized a
standardized interview grid evaluated each subject.
41.) J. J. Cercone, S. R. H. Beach & I. Arias: Gender Symmetry in Dating Intimate Partner
Violence: Does Behavior Imply Similar Constructs?, in: Violence and Victims, 20 (2) 2005, 207-
218.
Results support the view that dating IPV is generally symmetrical at a topographical
level, although significantly more women than men reported perpetration of severe
physical assault.
42.) M. Cui, F. Lorenz,R. D. Conger, J. N. Melby & C. M. Bryant: Observer, Self-, and partner
reports of hostile behaviors in romantic relationships, in: Journal of Marriage and Family, 67 2005,
1169-1181.
(d) women showed a higher level of hostility toward their partners than did men.
43.) D. G. Dutton & T. L. Nicholls: The gender paradigm in domestic violence research and theory:
the conflict of theory and data, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 10 2005, 680-714.
Feminist theory of intimate violence is critically reviewed in the light of data from
numerous incidence studies reporting levels of violence by female perpetrators higher
than those reported for males, particularly in younger age samples.
44.) D. G. Dutton, T. L. Nicholls & A. Spidel: Female perpetrators of intimate abuse, in: Journal of
Offender Rehabilitation, 41, (4) 2005, 1-31.
A review is made of female intimate abuse. It is concluded that females are as abusive
as males in intimate relationships according to survey and epidemiological studies. This
is especially so for younger “cohort” community samples followed longitudinally.
45.) Deborah S. Boroughs: Female sexual abusers of children, in: Children and Youth Services
Review Volume 26, Issue 5, May 2004, 481-487.
In 1996, the National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect (NCCAN) investigated more
than two million reports alleging maltreatment of more than three million children.
More than one million of these children were identified as victims of abuse. Of the one
million children, 12% were sexually abused. The sexual abuse of children by women,
primarily mothers, once thought to be so rare it could be ignored, constituted 25%
(approximately 36 000 children) of the sexually abused victims. This statistic is
thought to be underestimated due to the tendency of non-disclosure by victims. This
paper examines the statistical data regarding sexual abuse by women, the psychological
profiles of these women, how and why society excuses female abusers, the impact on
the sexually abused children, and available treatments for the perpetrators.
46.) S. Basile: Comparison of abuse by same and opposite-gender litigants as cited in requests for
abuse prevention orders, in: Journal of Family Violence, 19 2004, 59-68.
Despite widespread misconceptions that tend to minimize female abuse, examination of
these court documents shows that male and female defendants, who were the subject of
a complaint in domestic relation cases, while sometimes exhibiting different aggressive
tendencies, measured almost equally abusive in terms of the overall level of
psychological and physical aggression.“>Despite widespread misconceptions that tend
to minimize female abuse, examination of these court documents shows that male and
female defendants, who were the subject of a complaint in domestic relation cases,
while sometimes exhibiting different aggressive tendencies, measured almost equally
abusive in terms of the overall level of psychological and physical aggression.
47.) Alan Listiak: Resources and bibliography on female sexual deviance and sexually
abusive/criminal behavior 2004.
48.) G. Brown: Gender as a factor in the response of the law-enforcement system to violence
against partners, in: Sexuality and Culture, 8, (3-4) 2004, 3-139.
However, in at least one important respect, these policy initiatives diverge substantially
from what the sociological data, which ostensibly motivates them, would indicate: they
have been, to date, overwhelmingly gender specific. That is, partner abuse is routinely
portrayed and acted upon as though it were almost exclusively about men abusing and
victimizing innocent women and, by extension, their children–despite the overwhelming
sociological evidence that a significant amount of abuse is also suffered by male
partners.
49.) G. Weizmann-Henelius, V. Viemero & M. Eronen: The violent female perpetrator and her
victim, in: Forensic Science International, 133(3) 2003, 197-203.
There were, however, no significant differences found between those who had
experienced physical or psychological abuse in childhood or adulthood and those who
had no adverse experiences. These findings suggest that the violent behaviour by
females leads more often to the death of the victim, when the victim is closely related to
the perpetrator. The commonly-held view that violent female offending occurs primarily
as a consequence of precipitation by the victim was not supported.
50.) Rachel Simmons: Odd Girl Out: The Hidden Culture of Aggression in Girls. Fort Washington,
PA: Harvest Books 2003.
When boys act out, get into fights, or become physically aggressive, we can’t avoid
noticing their bad behavior. But it is easy to miss the subtle signs of aggression in girls–
the dirty looks, the taunting notes, or the exclusion from the group-that send girls home
crying.
51.) Myriam Denov: The myth of innocence: Sexual scripts and the recognition of child sexual
abuse by female perpetrators, in: Journal of Sex Research, 40(3) 2003, 303-314.
This paper explores the prevalence of female sex offending and reveals the paradoxes
that exist within the available data. Moreover, it highlights the role of traditional sexual
scripts in impeding the official recognition of the problem. Traditional sexual scripts,
particularly the perception of females as sexually passive, harmless, and innocent,
appear not only to have influenced broader societal views concerning sexuality and
sexual abuse but also to have permeated the criminal law, victim reporting practices,
and professional responses to female sex offending. The implicit denial of women s
potential for sexual aggression within these three domains may ultimately contribute to
the underrecognition of the problem in official sources.
52.) Barbara Krahe, Eva Waizenhofer, Ingrid Moller: Women’s sexual aggression against men:
Prevalence and predictors, in: Sex Roles, 49(5-6) 2003, 219-232.
In this study, we investigated the prevalence of women’s sexual aggression against men
and examined predictors of sexual aggression in a sample of 248 women. Respondents
reported their use of aggressive strategies (physical force, exploitation of a man’s
incapacitated state, and verbal pressure) to make a man engage in sexual touch, sexual
intercourse, or oral sex against his will.
53.) Myriam S Denov: To a safer place? Victims of sexual abuse by females and their disclosures to
professionals, in: Child Abuse & Neglect Volume 27, Issue 1, January 2003, Pages 47-61.
Conclusion: The study highlights the need for the development and implementation of
professional training initiatives to sensitize professionals to the issue of female sex
offending and the intervention needs of victims. Failure to do so could have negative
consequences for victims sexually abused by females.
54.) M.J. George: “The Invisible Touch”, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 8 (2003), 23-60
The controversy surrounding violence by female partners to intimate males has been
reviewed from a diverse range of literature and disciplines. Historical and case evidence
is presented against a background of the controversy surrounding the findings of
studies, using the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS), which show ample evidence of assaults
by women on male partners.
55.) J. Archer: Sex differences in physically aggressive acts between heterosexual partners: A metaanalytic
review, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 7 2002, 313−351.
Women were more likely than men to throw something at the other, slap, kick, bite, or
punch, and hit with an object.
56.) Corrections Service of Canada: Female sex offenders: A review of the literature, Ottawa,
Canada: Author 2002.
For a variety of societal reasons, female sexual abuse is likely to remain unnoticed.
Some researchers have found that the incidence of sexual contact with boys by women
is much more prevalent than is contended in the clinical literature (Condy, Templer
Brown & Veaco, 1987) … Many researchers consider Finkelhor and Russell’s (1984)
estimates of the prevalence of female sex offending to be the most accurate to date.
Their tentative evaluation is that females may account for up to 13% of the abuse of
females and 24% of the abuse of males, either acting alone or with a partner .
57.) Jennifer Vick, Ruth McRoy & Bobbie M. Matthews: Young female sex offenders: Assessment
and treatment issues, in: Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, 11(2) 2002, 1-23.
Key findings include the lack of research, tools, and literature on young female sex
offenders and perceived differences between male and female offenders including
history, treatment, and characteristics.
58.) Peter Anderson & Dyan Melson: From deviance to normalcy: Women as sexual aggressors, in:
Electronic Journal of Human Sexuality, 5 (October 23) 2002.
The traditional gender roles of young women in the United States are changing.
According to research reports of the past few decades, women have taken a more
commanding role in sexual relationships with men. These new roles have, at times,
included behavior identified as sexual aggression.
59.) Lori B. Girshick: Woman-to-Woman Sexual Violence: Does She Call It Rape? Boston, MA:
Northeastern University Press 2002.
Lori B. Girshick exposes the shocking, hidden reality of woman-to-woman sexual
violence and gives voice to the abused. Drawing on a nationwide survey and in-depth
interviews, Girshick explores the experiences and reflections of seventy women,
documenting what happened to them, how they responded, and whether they received
any help to cope with the emotional impact of their assault.
60.) Marnie C. Ferree: Females and sex addiction: Myths and diagnostic implications, in: Sexual
Addiction & Compulsivity, 8(3-4) 2001, 287-300.
Females’ experiences with sexually compulsive behavior rarely receive the attention
directed to males who act out. Six myths concerning women and sexual addiction are
offered as an explanation for this oversight. Each myth is challenged and diagnostic
implications are discussed. Specific suggestions are outlined for a diagnostic instrument
that will identify sexual addiction in women as well as in men.
61.) Myriam S. Denov: A culture of denial: Exploring professional perspectives on female sex
offending, in: Canadian Journal of Criminology, 43(3) 2001, 303-329.
Nonetheless, more recent studies, particularly in Canada, the United Kingdom, and the
United States, have begun to acknowledge the existence of female sexual offenders
(Cooper, Swaminath, Baxter, and Poulin 1990; Davin, Hislop, and Dunbar 1999; Failer
1987; Mathews, Mathews, and Speltz 1989; Fromuth and Conn 1997; Saradjian 1996).
The research, which has included a wide range of data-gathering techniques including
large-scale self-report surveys, in-depth interviews, and case-file analyses, has all
pointed to the existence of female sexual offending.
62.) Janet I. Warren & Julia Hislop: Female sex offenders: A typological and etiological overview,
in: Robert R. Hazelwood & Ann Wolbert Burgess (eds.), Practical Aspects of Rape Investigation: A
Multidisciplinary Approach, 3rd edition, pp. 421-434. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press 2001.
While these sexual stereotypes are factually true and thus correct in terms of generalized
societal concerns, they also serve to camouflage the sexual exploitation and violence
perpetrated by women against male and female children and, in some instances, against
adults of both genders.
63.) D. M. Capaldi & L. D. Owen: Physical aggression in a community sample of at-risk young
couples: Gender comparisons for high frequency, injury, and fear, in: Journal of Family
Psychology, 15 (3) 2001, 425-440.
It was hypothesized that frequent physical aggression toward a partner, in the range of
shelter samples, is largely caused by antisocial behavior and mutual couple conflict and,
thus, that there would be greater similarity across genders in such behavior than has
previously been supposed. It was also predicted that levels of injury and fear would be
higher in women but that some men would experience these impacts. Findings indicated
similarity across genders both in the prevalence of frequent aggression and in its
association with antisocial behavior. Furthermore, such aggression was likely to be
bidirectional in couples. Contrary to the hypothesis of the study, rates of injury and fear
for the women were not significantly higher than for the men.
64.) St. T. Chermack, M. A. Walton, B. E. Fuller & F. C. Blow: Correlates of expressed and
received violence across relationship types among men and women substance abusers, in:
Psychology of Addictive Behavior, 15 2001, 140-151.
This study examined expressed and received violence among men and women in
substance abuse treatment. Rates of past-year partner violence (PV) did not differ by
gender, although men reported markedly higher rates of nonpartner violence (NPV).
65.) J. Archer: Sex differences in aggression between heterosexual partners: a meta-analytic review,
in: Psychological Bulletin, 126(5) 2000, 651-80.
Meta-analyses of sex differences in physical aggression to heterosexual partners and in
its physical consequences are reported. Women were slightly more likely (d = -.05) than
men to use one or more act of physical aggression and to use such acts more frequently.
66.) K. M. Beier: Female analogies to perversion, in: Journal of Sex and Marital Therapy, 26(1)
2000, 79-93.
The significance of reproversion is relevant to many different specialized medical fields.
This is explained in conclusion, using the examples of denied pregnancy and infanticide
at birth based on initial empirical results.
67.) Jonathan Green: The last taboo. Marie Claire UK, March. [Interviews with female paedophiles
in Minneapolis] 2000.
Female paedophiles are possibly society’s darkest secrets. Reviled for crimes against
nature or simply ignored as though their actions are unthinkable, very little is known
about them and even less done to help them. Transition Place pioneering centre for
women child abusers, but it’s patients have always been too wary to give interviews.
Now, for the first time, they have chosen to speak out – to Marie Claire – and discuss
their lives frankly, with Jonathan Green.
68.) B. Watkins and A. Bentovim: Male children and adolescents as victims: A review of current
knowledge, in: G. C. Mezey and M. B. King (eds.), Male Victims of Sexual Assault, 2nd edition, pp.
35-78. New York: Oxford University Press 2000.
The book reports on the first epidemiological study of male sexual victimization in
Europe, challenges the prevailing stereotype of gay men as sexual predators, covers the
topic of male rape in prisons, examines the link between early sexual victimization and
later perpetration, describes how victims of sexual torture attempt to process and resolve
such experiences, provides the historical and anthropological background to the subject,
and examines the impact of the changes in legislation.
69.) Jacquie Hetherton: The idealization of women: its role in the minimization of child sexual
abuse by females, in: Child Abuse & Neglect Volume 23, Issue 2, February 1999, Pages 161-174.
Conclusion: Individuals are urged to suspend their disbelief about female perpetrated
child sexual abuse. Denial of the phenomenon may result in it continuing to be underreported
and trivialized. As this persists the price will ultimately be paid by victims of
on-going abuse and survivors of past victimization whose suffering will be compounded
by disparagement of the issue.
70.) Alana D. Graystona, Rayleen V. De Luca: Female perpetrators of child sexual abuse: A review
of the clinical and empirical literature, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior Volume 4, Issue 1,
Spring 1999, Pages 93-106
Although women have long been viewed as offenders in cases of physical child abuse, it
is only recently that clinicians and researchers have begun to seriously consider the
problem of female-perpetrated sexual abuse of children.
71.) J. Fedoroff, Alicja Fishell & Beverly Fedoroff: A case series of women evaluated for paraphilic
sexual disorders, in: The Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, 8(2) 1999, 127-139.
The 12 women classified as having at least one paraphilia were similarly compared with
an age-matched subsample of these men with diagnoses of paraphilia. Cases were
drawn from the clinical records of a Forensic Psychiatrist who has conducted outpatient
clinics for assessment and treatment of paraphilic disorders in three countries. The three
most common paraphilic disorders in the female study group were: pedophilia (36%),
sexual sadism (29%), and exhibitionism (29%).
72.) N.S. Coney & W. C. Mackey: The feminization of domestic violence in America: the woozle
effect goes beyond Rhetoric, in: The journal of Men’s Studies 8 (1999) 45-58.
However, epidemiological surveys on the distribution of violent behavior between adult
partners suggest gender parity.
73.) M. S. Fiebert, & M. Tucci: Sexual coercion: Men victimized by women, in: Journal of Men’s
Studies, 6(2) 1998, 127-133.
However, within the past decade a number of investigators (Muehlenhard & Cook,
1988; Poppen & Segal, 1988; Stets & Pirog-Good, 1989; Struckman-Johnson, 1988;
Waldner-Haugrud & Magruder, 1995) have examined heterosexual dating relations and
found that significant numbers of men also report being victims of sexual coercion by
female partners. Several studies have provided gender comparisons in the area of sexual
coercion. Muehlenhard and Cook (1988) developed a 51-item questionnaire and
compared unwanted sexual activity among 507 male and 486 female college students.
Results revealed that 97.5% of women and 93.5% of men experienced unwanted
kissing, petting, or intercourse sometime in their lives. More men than women reported
unwanted intercourse: 62.7% vs. 46.3%.
74.) Lauran E. Duncan & Linda M. Williams: Gender role socialization and male-on-male vs.
female-on-male child sexual abuse, in: Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, 39(9/10) 1998, 765-785.
The prevalence of sexual abuse of males by female perpetrators may be more difficult to
assess than the prevalence of abuse by males, because females are more often involved
in daily intimate care of children, where sexual abuse can go unnoticed (Groth, 1979;
Justice & Justice, 1979; Plummer, 1981). In addition, abuse by non-caregivers may be
underreported because of cultural assumptions about males—they should be able to
protect themselves (Rogers & Terry, 1984); they are supposed to value sexual contact
(Trivelpiece, 1990); and sexual abuse is traditionally defined as acts perpetrated against
females by males (Finkelhor, 1984). Thus, estimates of the proportion of all sexual
abuse perpetrated by women range widely, from 1% (Groth, 1979) to 24% (Finkelhor &
Russell, 1984). In the current article, we argue that the sexual abuse of boys has longterm
effects on an important arena for well-functioning heterosexual adult—intimate
relationships with women.
75.) Jacquie Hethertona, Lynn Beardsall: Decisions and attitudes concerning child sexual abuse:
does the gender of the perpetrator make a difference to child protection professionals?, in: Child
Abuse & Neglect Volume 22, Issue 12, December 1998, Pages 1265-1283.
Conclusion: While child protection professionals considered child sexual abuse
perpetrated by females to be a serious issue warranting intervention, a number of
advocated decisions suggested that they did not consider female-perpetrated abuse to be
as serious as male-perpetrated abuse. The implication is that victims of sexual abuse
perpetrated by a woman may be less likely to receive the protection afforded victims of
male-perpetrated abuse. Furthermore, professionals’ practices may be inadvertently
perpetuating the view that female child sexual abuse is rare or less harmful than abuse
carried out by males.
76.) Peter Anderson, & Cindy Struckman-Johnson: Sexually Aggressive Women: Current
Perspectives and Controversies. New York: The Guilford Press 1998.
Working from a range of theoretical perspectives, contributors to this text challenge
prevailing stereotypes of women as passive or resistant participants in heterosexual
interaction and men as initiators or aggressors. Like men, the book proposes, many
women are clearly interested in sex and some are sexually aggressive.
77.) L. F. O’Sullivan, E. S. Byers, L. Finkelman: A comparison of male and female college student’s
experiences of sexual coercion, in: Psychology of Women Quarterly, 22(2) 1998, 177-195.
Participants were 433 randomly selected college students who responded to an
anonymous survey. In line with past research, more men than women reported being
sexually coercive, and more women than men reported being sexually coerced in the
preceding year.
78.) L. FitzRoy: Mother/daughter rape: A challenge for feminism. In S. Cook & J. Bessant (Eds.),
Women’s encounters with violence: Australian experiences (pp. 40-54). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage
1997.
I have argued that contemporary feminism has failed to believe, support, acknowledge,
and appropriately respond to women who disclose their experiences of child sexual
assault perpetrated by their mothers. As a consequence, such experiences are absent
from feminist theorisations of sexual violence.
79.) Colin Crawford: Forbidden Femininity: Child Sexual Abuse and Female Sexuality. Aldershot,
UK: Ashgate Publishing Co 1997.
This text examines the darker side of female sexuality, which has a greater tendency
towards sadism, and an impulse to male domination than previously supposed. While
this feminine dispassion is normally repressed, and defended against, as a social and
internal psychical imperative, it does find expression under particular circumstances.
The study considers accounts of female sexual fantasy, presented case studies, action
research, and analyses survivors accounts of sexual abuse by women, all of which
suggest a sadistic orientation in feminine sexuality. The evidence presented seeks to
directly contradict social expectations of, and demands upon, „the feminine“ and the
„maternal“.
80.) D. M. Busby & S. V. Compton: Patterns of sexual coercion in adult heterosexual relationships:
An exploration of male victimization, in: Family Process, 36(1) 1997, 81-94.
In addition, gender differences were noted among results for different victim/offender
configurations.
81.) L.K. Waldner-Haugrud, L.V. Gratch & B. Magruder: Victimization and perpetration in
gay/lesbian relationships: Gender differences explored, in: Violence and Victims, 12 (1997), 173-
184
General results indicate that 47.5% of lesbians and 29.7% of gays have been victimized
by a same-sex partner. Further, lesbians reported an overall perpetration rate of 38%
compared to 21.8% for gay men.
82.) Astrid Kalders, Helen Inkster, & Eileen Britt: Females who offend sexually against children in
New Zealand, in: The Journal of Sexual Aggression, 3(1) 1997, 15-29.
The New Zealand National Police Computer Database was searched to identify all
females who had been charged with sexual offences against children from 1978 to 1994
inclusive, and twenty-five females were identified who had offended sexually against
children.
83.) Emanuel Peluso, Nicholas Putnam: Case Study: Sexual Abuse of Boys by Females, in: Journal
of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry Volume 35, Issue 1, January 1996,
Pages 51-54.
The literature regarding this type of abuse is reviewed and supports the finding that such
contact is relatively common and may have definite negative consequences for the
victim.
84.) Margaret M. Rudin, Christine Zalewski, Jeffrey Bodmer-Turner: Characteristics of child
sexual abuse victims according to perpetrator gender, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, Volume 19, Issue
8 1995, 963-973.
Both lone female and lone male perpetrators abused more girls (62%, 76%,
respectively) than boys. Female perpetrators were more likely to be caretakers than
male perpetrators, whereas male perpetrators were more likely to be strangers than
female perpetrators. Lastly, lone female perpetrators, lone male perpetrators, and
male/female coperpetrators did not differ regarding severity of abuse. Thus, contrary to
popular assumption, abuse by female perpetrators was not less severe than abuse by
male perpetrators.
85.) Ronald B. Flowers: Female Crime, Criminals, and Cellmates: An Exploration of Female
Criminality and Delinquency. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co 1995.
In the United States female crime has grown at a faster rate than male crime over the
past couple of decades. Despite this, only limited research has been done by
criminologists, psychologists and sociologists on this growing problem.
86.) J.W. White & R.M. Kowalski: Deconstructing the Myth of the Non-aggressive Female: a
Feminist Analysis, in: Psychology of Women Quarterly 18 (1994) 477-498.
One of the most pervasive and undisputed gender stereotypes is that men are more
aggressive than women. However, this stereotype has, until recently, led researchers to
conclude that women are nonaggressive and, therefore, to ignore the topic of female
aggression as a distinct phenomenon. The basis of the myth, factors supporting its
maintenance, and theories of female aggression are examined.
87.) Gwen Adshead, Mimi Howett, & Fiona Mason: Women who sexually abuse children: The
undiscovered country, in: Journal of Sexual Aggression, 1(1) 1994, 45-56.
The comparative rarity of female offending results in a lack of knowledge about such
offenders, and the imposition of male models of offending, which may be inappropriate.
88.) K. M. Bachmann, F. Moggi & F. Stirnemann-Lewis: Mother-son incest and its long-term
consequences: A neglected phenomenon in psychiatric practice, in: Journal of Nervous and Mental
Disease, 182 1994, 723-725.
This case history illustrates the problem of recognizing mother–son incest in psychiatric
practice, which may be due in part to gaps in the knowledge about this phenomenon.
89.) Peter Anderson: Sexual victimization: It happens to boys, too, in: Louisiana Association for
Health, Physical Education, Recreation and Dance Journal, 57(1) 5 1993, 12.
One of the common myths about sexual victimization in our culture is that men or boys
are rarely victims of sexual abuse, especially with women as the sexual aggressors
(Sarrel & Masters, 1982). Supporting this myth are two other myths: 1) that women
don’t or can’t victimize men due to basic differences in size and strength, 2) that women
have a special relationship with children (much more bodily contact, affection, and
more caregiving activities including changing diapers and other associated nonsexual
activities) that precludes sexual victimization (Finkelhor, 1979).
Despite these myths there is a new body of evidence that indicates that males are at risk
of sexual victimization from childhood on. In a study of male runaways (McCormack,
1986), 38% had been victims of childhood sexual abuse. In other studies, 56% of male
serial rapists (Burgess, Hartman, McCausland, and Powers, 1984) and 17% of male
college students had been sexually victimized (Finkelhor, 1979). In a recent study
conducted at Texas A&M University significantly more men than women (62.7% vs.
46.3%) self-reported that they had engaged in heterosexual intercourse „when they did
not want to…“ (Muehlenhard & Cook, 1988). Anderson and Aymami (in press) related
that both women and men reported that women used tactics to achieve sexual contact
with men commonly defined as sexually coercive, abusive, or violent. Relevant to this
paper, 7.5% of women surveyed by Anderson and Aymami self-reported initiating
sexual contact (kissing, fondling, or intercourse) with a man who was in a
compromising position (i.e., being where he did not belong or breaking some rule).
90.) Adele Mayer: Women Sex Offenders: Treatment and Dynamics, Holmes Beach, FL: Learning
Publications, Inc 1992.
91.) J. Bookwala, I. H.Frieze, C. Smith & K. Ryan: Predictors of dating violence: A multi variate
analysis, in: Violence and Victims, 7 1992, 297-311.
Of the set of predictors employed, receipt of physical violence from one’s partner
emerged as the largest predictor of expressed violence for both men and women.
92.) B. Watkins & A. Bentvom: The sexual abuse of male children and adolescents: a review of
current research, in: Journal of Clinical Psychology & Psychiatry, 33(10) 1992, 197-248.
93.) Christine Lawson: Clinical assessment of mother-son sexual abuse, in: Clinical Social Work
Journal, Volume 19, Number 4 1991, 391-403.
This paper explores the possibility that cases of mother-son incest are underreported in
the literature on child sexual abuse. Clinical cases of mother-son incest are presented
and factors which may account for an underreporting of such cases are discussed. A
cultural bias viewing mothers as asexual and males as sexual aggressors is suggested as
the primary reason that cases of maternal sexual abuse are rarely identified or reported.
94.) Holida Wakefield & Ralph Underwager: Female child sexual abusers: A critical review of the
literature, in: American Journal of Forensic Psychology, 9(4) 1991, 45-69.
However, currently there is increased interest in women as perpetrators of child sexual
abuse and some researchers suggest it is more common than previously believed. But
there is still considerable disagreement and confusion about just how often women
sexually abuse children, what type of woman is a sexual abuser, and under what
circumstances the abuse occurs.
95.) R. S. Baron, M. L. Burgess & C. F. Kao: Detecting and labeling prejudice: Do female
perpetrators go undetected?, in: Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 17 1991, 115-123.
The present study tested the notion that gender bias against women would be less likely
to be recognized if it came from an unexpected source, a female perpetrator.
96.) Irina Anderson & Victoria Swainson: Perceived motivation for rape: Gender differences in
beliefs about female and male rape, in: Current Research in Social Psychology, 6(8) 1991 107-122.
Although it is difficult to obtain accurate figures for the incidence of male rape, several
recent studies have attempted to measure the prevalence of sexually coercive behavior
against men by both men and women, although rape of men by women that is reported
to and recorded by the police is rare and as such does not feature in official rape
statistics (Lees 1997; although anecdotal evidence exists that this does happen, e.g.,
Smith, Pine and Hawley 1988.
97.) E. V. Weldon: Women who sexually abuse children, in: British Medical Journal, 300(6738)
1990, 1527-1528.
A second insight concerns the propensity of sexual abuse to be perpetuated through
mothers. A significant percentage of the patients we see-and this refers to both men and
women-are themselves the victims of sexual abuse as children. Incest committed by
fathers is commoner than incest committed by mothers but this condition in men is
sometimes traceable to their mother’s perverting actions, which I call „perversogenic.“
98.) Toni Cavanagh Johnson: Female child perpetrators: Children who molest other children, in:
Child Abuse & Neglect Volume 13, Issue 4, 1989, Pages 571-585.
Little is known about sexual perpetration by females or by young children. This paper
describes the sexual perpetration behavior of 13 female child perpetrators between 4
and 13 years of age.
99.) A. Banning: Mother-son incest: Confronting a prejudice, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, 13 1989,
563-570.
This paper examines the proposition that the incidence of child sexual abuse by female
perpetrators is underestimated. This may be due to a culturally based unwillingness to
believe that women commit such acts. Female sexual offenders have been little studied
and poorly understood.
100.) Ronald S. Krug: Adult male report of childhood sexual abuse by mothers: Case descriptions,
motivations and long-term consequences, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, Volume 13, Issue 1, 1989,
111-119.
Sexual abuse of male children by their mothers is rarely reported. However, it may not
be as rare as commonly believed. Eight case histories are presented which exemplify
mothers’ sexual abuse of their sons to satisfy the mothers’ own needs. In no case was the
mother psychotic.

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"Zur Durchführung seines Zieles erachtet der Maskulismus [...] als aufrichtig und sinnvoll: [...] das ursprüngliche Anliegen einer wirklichen Gleichberechtigung beider Geschlechter." - Michail A. Savvakis

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